Although Yukio Hatoyama will soon become Japan's next prime minister, I get the impression that this landslide victory is more of a win by Ichiro Ozawa and his "Ozawa children". For that matter, I wonder what sort of "change" this professor-like prime minister will bring...
I think he can manage it but at the same time, I also have a bad feeling that this may end up as being "Obama: A Historical Change Part 2" as that the new government consists of people from different political parties that share a wide variety of different ideals and beliefs and the fact that there seems to be tons of election promises.
Personally, I am rather interested in the new government's foreign policy and national security as that they are the two issues which are important yet rarely mentioned during the election campaigning era. Hmm...
Democratic Party of Japan President Yukio Hatoyama, who is certain to become the nation's next prime minister, comes from a blue-blooded political family that has been active in the upper echelons of government for four generations.
On his father's side, Hatoyama's great-grandfather Kazuo Hatoyama was a former speaker of the House of Representatives; his grandfather, Ichiro Hatoyama, was a former prime minister and the first Liberal Democratic Party president, well known for a fierce power struggle with former Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida, grandfather of Prime Minister Taro Aso; and his father, Iichiro Hatoyama, was a former foreign minister.
Hatoyama, who graduated from Tokyo University's Faculty of Engineering, has a doctorate in engineering and once worked as an assistant professor at Senshu University's business administration department.
He ran in the lower house election in 1986 as an LDP candidate and won on his first attempt. At the time, he belonged to the faction led by former Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka.
Hatoyama's political principle is "fraternity." However, many have voiced strong discontent over his idealistic and gentle manner, deriding him as "indecisive and weak."
Furthermore, as he sometimes speaks and acts erratically, some people have described him as an "alien."
Such issues have led to questions about a possible coalition with his younger brother, LDP member Kunio Hatoyama, a former internal affairs and communications minister. However, the DPJ leader refuted the idea prior to the lower house election, saying, "It's not in my mind."
(Sep. 1, 2009)
Aside from the fact that Yukio Hatoyama is a blue-blood, it seems that he is also known to be uncharismatic and the fact that he is currently managing a political party which is made up of both leftists and LDP defectors, it becomes questionable as to whether he will manage this while working out a coalition government with the SDP and PNP.
The interesting thing, however is that Yukio Hatoyama is the grandson of the first LDP president and also prime minister, Ichiro Hatoyama. And now, he is known to be somewhat of a puppet of Ichiro Ozawa, one of the key founders of the DPJ who is also a LDP defector that is well-skilled in utilizing a dual-power structure in a government. This gets interesting...
Meanwhile, DPJ members close to Ozawa say that Ozawa's opinions on personnel affairs should be taken into account because of his significant contribution to the DPJ's landslide victory.
Ozawa is said to be keeping his distance from Okada and the party's Vice President Seiji Maehara, saying that he cannot get along well with them. Some members of the party are known to have a deep-rooted "Ozawa allergy."
But if Hatoyama defers too much to Ozawa on personnel matters, it will create friction within the party. Some DPJ members close to Hatoyama worry that his party-unifying prowess could be suddenly weakened if he fails to handle personnel affairs wisely.
The Ozawa allergy.. This could be something of a serious nature as that Ozawa did contribute to the landslide victory by recruiting and training over 100 rookie candidates to face off against LDP heavyweights and won most of the challenges which seems rather impressive. However, it is also know that Ozawa is extremely skilled at manipulating power from the behind the scenes which may cause some friction within the new coalition government.
Okada is well known to seek better bilateral ties with Asian nations while being popular at being clean with money politics and also don't like the idea of being the United States' yes-man. Maehara, on the other hand seems to enjoy keeping good relations with the United States and is quite a decisive politician. Strangely, Ozawa doesn't get along with these two guys who don't even share similar ideals and beliefs. Ozawa is known to visit China almost every year but at the same time, he doesn't seem to have a problem with the idea of Japan possessing nukes if it is necessary to do so. This sounds rather contradicting but then again, Ozawa is one of the shadow ministers who is good at pulling strings and thus, I assume this is also part of his strategies. Generally, if Ozawa gets a top post, some people within the new government will not be happy but at the same time, if he doesn't get a good post, tons of people will be angry. One way or the other, Yukio Hatoyama seems to be in quite a pinch.
While many of Koizumi's "kids" failed to retain their seats, the former prime minister's second son, Shinjiro, overcame criticism of being a hereditary candidate to win a lower house seat in Kanagawa Constituency No. 11 on his first attempt.
A slightly tense Shinjiro, clad in a white polo shirt and sneakers, made a public appearance at about 9:30 p.m. Sunday. "Thanks to my constituents, I managed to overcome the [DPJ] headwind," Shinjiro, 28, said.
Shinjiro stood without the backing of his father and had refused the safety net of being placed on a party list of proportional representation candidates.
His win came on the back of support from voters with no party preference who he won over with his speeches in front of train stations and other locations, as well as support from his backers.
The battle between the Koizumi Kids and the Ozawa Children was quite interesting but nonetheless, Koizumi's actual kid had won a seat.
Rozen Aso defines the new meaning of the words "Poker Face".
Among other things, this thing about DPJ planning to dole out allowance for kids up to junior high remains to be seen whether it'll actually benefit them or could bleed the national treasury. As the younger population shrinks, it's clear that they're the ones who have to put up the brunt of labor and also at the risk of the first to go at lay-offs.
A drastic shift in foreign policy is unlikely under the envisaged new administration of the Democratic Party of Japan as it hopes to ensure continuity, although it has vowed to be more independent from the United States in its diplomacy.
But foreign and security matters could easily emerge as flashpoints for the incoming DPJ-led administration, with the party remaining vague in these areas apparently out of fear of causing discord among its members and the other parties with which it plans to form a coalition.
The diplomatic debut of DPJ President Yukio Hatoyama as new premier is likely to be in late September when he will attend the U.N. General Assembly in New York and possibly meet with U.S. President Barack Obama on the sidelines to seek his understanding of DPJ policies.
‘‘There will be meetings on climate change, nuclear disarmament and international finance. They are all extremely important,’’ a senior Foreign Ministry official said, indicating the diplomatic skills of the blue-blood politician, who has long remained an opposition member, will be put to the test soon after he takes office.
The DPJ said in its manifesto for Sunday’s House of Representative election that it will build a ‘‘close and equal Japan-U.S. alliance’’ and will develop an ‘‘autonomous foreign policy strategy for Japan.’’
It also said it will ‘‘propose’’ a revision of the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement and ‘‘move in the direction of reexamining the realignment of the U.S. military forces in Japan and the role of U.S. military bases in Japan.’’
But the wording in the manifesto amounted to a toning down of what the DPJ had previously argued in a sign that it would shift to a more pragmatic position, and pundits believe an immediate drastic change is unlikely under the DPJ in foreign and defense areas.
Hatoyama has also said ‘‘continuity in diplomacy is important’’ and that he feels the need to first ‘‘build a relationship of trust with U.S. President Barack Obama’’ before making such proposals on SOFA and other issues.
‘‘Basically, I think the DPJ will acknowledge the policies which have proceeded until now and then add changes little by little,’’ Atsuo Ito, a political analyst, said.
But he warned that foreign and security issues will be an ‘‘Achilles heel’’ for the DPJ, as its policies have wavered depending on its leader, and that the DPJ has yet to clearly set a direction on such issues even though more than a decade has passed since its formation.
Comprising lawmakers ranging from right and left—defectors from the conservative Liberal Democratic Party and former socialists—the DPJ has often lacked unity among its members when it comes to those issues.
Adding to concerns were Hatoyama’s flip-flops on the prospects for Japan’s ongoing antiterrorism refueling mission in support of U.S.-led antiterrorism operations in and around Afghanistan.
The DPJ had staunchly opposed the dispatch of the Maritime Self-Defense Force to the Indian Ocean, with Ichiro Ozawa arguing when he was party leader that it is against the war-renouncing Constitution for Japan to provide logistical support for operations without U.N. authorization.
The DPJ’s manifesto, however, does not touch upon the suspension of the mission. Hatoyama also said he will allow it to continue for the time being, although he noted he will ‘‘basically not allow it to be extended beyond’’ January next year when the special law for the mission will expire.
The developments showed the sensitiveness of the matter for the DPJ, which is apparently trying to take heed of calls from the United States to continue the mission as well as from the Social Democratic Party, a possible DPJ coalition partner, which is against deploying the Self-Defense Forces overseas.
The DPJ and the SDP also differ on the dispatch of MSDF ships for an antipiracy mission in waters off Somalia. But the DPJ needs the cooperation of the SDP and another party, the People’s New Party, to control the less powerful House of Councillors.
So far, political pundits are divided on how the issue of the refueling mission will affect Japan-U.S. relations.
Tobias Harris, a Japan and East Asia specialist, said that suspending the mission will be ‘‘a small victory’’ for the DPJ, as it would allow them to say that they have followed through on what they have said they were going to do at a relatively limited cost.
‘‘I don’t think the Obama administration is going to throw a tantrum (even if the mission is suspended)...And considering that if it placates their (the DPJ’s) coalition partners to the left, I think it’s really a very, very small price to pay for that.’’
But Yumi Hiwatari, a Sophia University professor specializing in Japan-U.S. relations and defense issues, said that suspending the refueling mission will damage bilateral ties, warning that remaining vague on key policies will make it difficult for the DPJ to build ‘‘a trustful relationship’’ with Washington.
‘‘Does a ‘close and equal’ Japan-U.S. relationship mean for Japan to increase its military strength? Will the DPJ dare to spur a national debate on how the SDF should be used under such a policy?’’ Hiwatari said. ‘‘I don’t think the DPJ can win the trust of its ally when it’s either saying nothing or just being vague.’’
On the refueling mission, she also suggested it would be difficult for Japan to find alternative ways to contribute to the situation in Afghanistan when the refueling mission is considered the most Japan can do under its constitutional restrictions.
According to plans revealed in early August, the DPJ, as an alternative to the refueling mission, is considering reinforcing assistance to civilians and reconstruction aid in Afghanistan possibly by dispatching government and private-sector officials to relatively safe areas.
‘‘But assistance by civilians is dangerous, for example in Kabul,’’ Hiwatari said.
While much of the spotlight will be on how Japan-U.S. relations are affected under the new administration, Japan’s neighbors are also paying attention to the election outcome.
Hatoyama is eager to strengthen ties with Asian countries, but a source close to Japan-South Korea relations is wary about some DPJ members having hawkish views regarding China and South Korea over historical issues.
As for the decades-old territorial-row with Russia, another senior Foreign Ministry official said there are ‘‘not many options’’ for realizing the goal of regaining control of the four Russian-held islands off Hokkaido even under a DPJ-led government.
Meanwhile, Hiwatari said that inconsistencies in foreign policy and other issues that may emerge under the new administration may not necessarily be a negative factor for the country.
‘‘If problems come to light, then the people may notice the need to hold discussions on how we want our country to be. That may be what Japan needs to revive the country.’’
I assume everything will become very clear within 3 months as that is the usual length of time in which one can decide how well a new government is doing or how poorly depending on the situation. The DPJ seems to be strong on a huge variety of issues yet when it comes to foreign policy, their direction becomes somewhat questionable.
Health, Labor and Welfare Minister Yoichi Masuzoe said Wednesday he would not run in the next Liberal Democratic Party's presidential election to be held on Sept. 28 to pick a new party president to succeed outgoing LDP President Taro Aso.
"I've considered various factors and decided not to run [for party president]," Masuzoe told reporters at the ministry. "I'm grateful for the support received from various people, but, after [the LDP suffered] a historic and crushing defeat [in the House of Representatives election], I must fully realize my responsibility as a member of the Cabinet."
On Tuesday night, Masuzoe held talks with former Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori and indicated that he would not run for LDP party president. He said that though he had served in the Cabinet under Aso and former Prime Ministers Shinzo Abe and Yasuo Fukuda, he was not able to help raise the approval rating for the Cabinet.
Mori accepted Masuzoe's decision. A popular minister, Masuzoe was often asked to travel around to make speeches in support of other LDP candidates during the campaign. Many lawmakers within the party have urged Masuzoe to run in the party presidential election.
(Sep. 3, 2009)
Masuzoe made a very intelligent decision as that leading a party in shambles back to the way it was during its popular stages at this point in time is quite unlikely, regardless of who the leader is. Masuzoe is better off enjoying high popularity among both the LDP and the LDP supporters for the time being until retirement to be remembered as one of the more popular LDP heavyweights as opposed to becoming LDP chief for a year that the previous 3 predecessors.
Last edited by Shadow Kira01; 2009-09-03 at 06:38.
Reason: fixed for SeijiSensei.^^
Might I humbly suggest that we don't really need walls of text for every press story about the aftermath of the election? The link by itself was fine. If you really feel the need to pass along the actual story, perhaps you could put it in spoiler tags instead of quotes? The best solution, if you want to comment on an article, is to include just the pertinent few sentences or maybe a paragraph and two followed by your thoughts. Otherwise you're likely to prompt the "tl;dr" response among your readers.
It's strange to see the media always writing "Hatoyama's Democratic Party of Japan." I know he was one of the founders of the party, the current leader, and the next prime minister, but i still think of Ozawa as the real force behind the DPJ. I wonder what he'll be doing in government and whether he'll destroy this party as he did all his others.
It's strange to see the media always writing "Hatoyama's Democratic Party of Japan." I know he was one of the founders of the party, the current leader, and the next prime minister, but i still think of Ozawa as the real force behind the DPJ. I wonder what he'll be doing in government and whether he'll destroy this party as he did all his others.
Ichiro Ozawa has just been given the seat Secretary General which is the same thing as second-in-command several hours ago. Apparently, he is tasked to come up some ideas to win a majority in the House of Councillors' general election next year. Generally, if the DPJ were to win a majority in the Upper House next year, they will no longer need a coalition with the Socialists and the PNP. For that calculated matter, friction has already started between the the three political parties.
The reason why the media is so focused on Yukio Hatoyama is that he currently has all the authority as to what policies to be implemented and who to select for the cabinet posts. His decisions will affect the next 4 years especially the fact that another change may occur next year at the Upper House general election.
Generally, if Yukio Hatoyama makes good decisions, everything will be set to motion with a bright future waiting. However, he makes poor decisions, things will start to fall apart in various sectors. Currently, it has become quite obvious that there is a huge gap between the views and policies of the Democratic Party of Japan and its two coalition partners.
TOKYO (Reuters) - Japan's next prime minister might be nicknamed "the alien," but it's his wife who claims to have had a close encounter with another world.
"While my body was asleep, I think my soul rode on a triangular-shaped UFO and went to Venus," Miyuki Hatoyama, the wife of premier-in-waiting Yukio Hatoyama, wrote in a book published last year.
"It was a very beautiful place and it was really green."
Yukio Hatoyama is due to be voted in as premier on September 16 following his party's crushing election victory over the long-ruling Liberal Democratic Party on Sunday.
Miyuki, 66, described the extraterrestrial experience, which she said took place some 20 years ago, in a book entitled "Very Strange Things I've Encountered."
When she awoke, Japan's next first lady wrote, she told her now ex-husband that she had just been to Venus. He advised her that it was probably just a dream.
"My current husband has a different way of thinking," she wrote. "He would surely say 'Oh, that's great'."
Yukio Hatoyama, 62, the rich grandson of a former prime minister, was once nicknamed "the alien" for his prominent eyes.
Miyuki, also known for her culinary skills, spent six years acting in the Takarazuka Revue, an all-female musical theater group. She met the U.S.-educated Yukio while living in America.
(Reporting by Colin Parott; Editing by Linda Sieg)
Yeaaaaaaaaah, Japan's got some otherworldly help there.
Here are some links to Yukio Hatoyama's controversial opinion piece which made lots of American officials get the impression that the guy is anti-American:
I haven't read it yet as that it is too long and time-consuming...
For that matter, I have no idea as to whether his editorial is anti-American or not.
However, I will read it some other time and decide.
----
And just in case, the links cease to function...
Spoiler for a wall of text:
''My Political Philosophy'' - Yukio Hatoyama
The Banner of Party Politician Ichiro Hatoyama
Among Japanese people today, ''ai'' is a particularly popular word which is usually translated as ''love.'' Therefore, when I speak of ''yuai,'' which is written with the characters for ''friendship'' and ''love,'' many people seem to picture a concept that is soft and weak. However, when I speak of ''yuai,'' I am referring to a concept that is actually rather different. What I am referring to is fraternity, as in ''liberte, egalite, fraternite,'' the slogan of the French Revolution. When my grandfather Ichiro Hatoyama translated one of the works of Count Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi into Japanese, he rendered the word fraternity as ''yuai'' rather than the existing translation of ''hakuai.'' Therefore, when I refer to ''yuai,'' I am not referring to something tender but rather to a strong, combative concept that was a banner of revolution. Eighty-five years ago, in 1923, Count Coudenhove-Kalergi published his work ''Pan-Europa,'' starting off the Pan-Europa Movement which eventually led to the formation of the European Union. Count Coudenhove-Kalergi was the son of an Austrian noble, who was posted to Japan as his country's minister, and Mitsuko Aoyama, the daughter of an antiques dealer from Azabu, Tokyo. One of the count's middle names was the Japanese name Eijiro.
In 1935, Count Coudenhove-Kalergi published ''The Totalitarian State against Man.'' The work includes severe criticisms of Soviet communism and Nazism as well as the reflections on the self-indulgence of capitalism in leaving such ideologies to flourish. Coudenhove-Kalergi believed that freedom forms the foundation of human dignity and that it is therefore unsurpassed in value. In order to guarantee freedom, he advocated a system of private ownership. However, he was despondent at how the severe social inequalities produced by capitalism had helped give rise to communism by creating an environment in which people aspired to equality, and also at how this had resulted in the emergence of national socialism as an alternative to both capitalism and communism. ''Freedom without fraternity leads to anarchy. Equality without fraternity leads to tyranny''(Translation of the quote in Japanese). Coudenhove-Kalergi discussed how both totalitarianism, which tried to achieve equality at all costs, and capitalism, which had fallen into self-indulgence, resulted in disregard for human dignity and as such resulted in the treatment of human beings as a means instead of an end. Although freedom and equality are important for human beings, if they are followed to fundamentalist extremes, they can both result in immeasurable horrors. Therefore, Coudenhove-Kalergi recognized the necessity of a concept that could achieve a balance and maintain respect for humanity. That is what he sought in the idea of fraternity.
''Man is an end and not a means. The state is a means and not an end''. These are the first lines of The Totalitarian State against Man. At the time Coudenhove-Kalergi was putting ideas together for this publication, two different forms of totalitarianism were prominent in Europe, and his home country of Austria was being threatened with annexation by Hitler's Germany. Coudenhove-Kalergi traveled all around Europe advocating the cause of Pan-Europeanism and criticizing Hitler and Stalin. However, his efforts were in vain. Austria fell to the Nazis and Coudenhove-Kalergi was forced to flee in disappointed exile to the United States. The movie Casablanca is said to be based on his flight. When Coudenhove-Kalergi talks of a ''fraternal revolution,'' he is referring to the combative philosophy that supported the fierce fight against both the left-wing and right-wing totalitarianism of that age. After the war, Ichiro Hatoyama, who was exiled from public office just as he was on the point of becoming prime minister, read the works of Count Coudenhove-Kalergi as he was living his enforced life of leisure. He was so struck by ''The Totalitarian State against Man'' that he took it upon himself to translate it into Japanese. His translation was published under the title ''Jiyu to Jinsei'' (Freedom and Life).
For Ichiro, who was an ardent critic of both communism and military-led planned economies, ''The Totalitarian State against Man'' seemed to provide the most appropriate theoretical system for fighting back against the popularity of Marxism that began to swell in postwar Japan (the Socialist party, Communist party and labor movements) and for building a healthy parliamentary democracy. While fighting against the growing influence of the socialist and communist parties, Ichiro Hatoyama used the word ''yuai'' (fraternity) as a banner in trying to bring down the bureaucrat-led government of Shigeru Yoshida and replace it with his own administration of party politicians. This was expressed succinctly by Hatoyama in the Yuai Seinen Doshikai Kouryo (Young People's Fraternal Association Mission Statement), which Ichiro Hatoyama wrote in 1953. ''Under the banner of liberalism, we will devote ourselves to a Fraternal Revolution, avoid extreme left-wing and right-wing ideologies, and work steadfastly to achieve a healthy and vibrant democratic society and build a free and independent cultural nation.''
Ichiro Hatoyama's concept of fraternity continued to have influence as an undercurrent within Japan's postwar conservative political parties. Following the revision of the Japan-U.S. security treaty in 1960, the Liberal Democratic Party changed direction significantly and began to prioritize policies of management-labor conciliation. These policies formed the foundation for Japan's period of rapid economic growth and are best symbolized by the LDP Basic Charter, a 1965 document which was written to serve as a kind of mission statement. The first chapter of this charter, which is entitled ''Human Dignity,'' states, '' human lives are precious, and are an end in and of themselves. The lives of human beings must never become a means.'' A similar phrase can be found in the LDP Labor Charter, a document which called for reconciliation with the labor movement. These phrases are clearly borrowed from the work of Coudenhove-Kalergi, and were very likely influenced by Ichiro Hatoyama's thinking on the subject of fraternity. These two charters contributed to the establishment of the Hatoyama and Ishibashi cabinets, and were both drafted by Hirohide Ishida, a politician who served as labor minister in the Ikeda Cabinet and was responsible for setting Japan on a course towards conciliatory labor-management policies.
The End of LDP One-Party Rule and the Announcement of the Democratic Party of Japan
In the postwar period, the LDP confronted socialist forces inside and outside Japan and dedicated itself to Japan's reconstruction and the achievement of high economic growth. These were noteworthy achievements which deserve their place in history. However, even after the end of the Cold War, the LDP fell into the trap of ''the politics of inertia,'' and continued to act as if economic growth in itself was Japan's national goal. The party continually failed to adapt to the changing contemporary environment and shift towards policies designed to qualitatively improve people's lives. At the same time, unhealthy ties between politicians, bureaucrats and corporations continually led to political corruption, a long-standing illness of the LDP. When the Cold War came to an end, I strongly felt that the historical role the LDP had played in supporting Japan's rapid economic growth had come to an end, and that the time had come for a new seat of political responsibility.
Therefore, I left the LDP, which had been founded by my grandfather, and after participating in the establishment of the New Party Sakigake, I eventually became the founding leader of the Democratic Party of Japan. The (former) DPJ was founded on Sept. 11, 1996. The following phrases were included in the statement released to mark the founding of the party. ''From today onwards, we wish to place the spirit of fraternity at the heart of our society. Freedom can often result in an unrestrained environment where the strong prey upon the weak. Equality can easily result in a malevolent form of equality where all differences are criticized. Fraternity is the power that can prevent such extremes of freedom and equality yet over the past 100 or so years the power of fraternity has been marginalized. Modern nations up until the 20th century rushed to mobilize their people and in doing so tended to assess their worth as a single mass (rather than as individuals). ...... We believe that each individual human being has a boundless, diverse individuality and that each human life is irreplaceable. That is why we believe in the principle of 'self independence' through which each individual has the right to decide upon their own destiny and the obligation to take responsibility for the results of their choices. At the same time, we also stress the importance of the principle of 'coexistence with others' under which people respect each other's mutual independence and differences while also working to understand each other and seek common ground for cooperative action. We believe that we must steadfastly adhere to these principles of independence and coexistence not only in the context of personal relationships within Japanese society but also in the context of the relationships between Japan and other nations and the relationship between humankind and the environment.''
Author Saneatsu Mushanokoji wrote the famous words ''I am me, you are you, yet we are good friends.'' I think these words truly express the spirit of fraternity. Just as the ideals of freedom and equality evolve with the contemporary environment, in terms of both their expression and their content, the idea of 'fraternity,' which calls on us to respect individuals, also evolves with the times. When I saw the collapse of the totalitarian regimes that both Coudenhove-Kalergi and my grandfather Ichiro Hatoyama had opposed, I redefined my understanding of fraternity as ''the principle of independence and coexistence.''
Thirteen years have now passed since we formed the former Democratic Party of Japan. During the time since then, post-cold war Japan has been continually buffeted by the winds of market fundamentalism in a U.S.-led movement which is more usually called globalization. Freedom is supposed to be the highest of all values but in the fundamentalist pursuit of capitalism, which can be described as ''freedom formalized in economic terms,'' has resulted in people being treated not as an end but as a means. Consequently human dignity has been lost. The recent financial crisis and its aftermath have once again forced us to take note of this reality. How can we put an end to unrestrained market fundamentalism and financial capitalism that are void of morals or moderation in order to protect the finances and livelihoods of our citizens? That is the issue we are now facing. In these times, I realized that we must once again remember the role for fraternity identified by Coudenhove-Kalergi as a force for moderating the danger inherent within freedom. I came to a decision that we must once again raise the banner of fraternity. On May 16, 2009, in the run-up to the DPJ leadership election, I made the following statement: ''I will take the lead in coming together with our friends and colleagues to overcome this difficult situation and ensure that we achieve a change of government in order to bring about a fraternal society based on coexistence.'' What does fraternity mean to me? It is the compass that determines our political direction, a yardstick for deciding our policies. I believe it is also the spirit that supports our attempts to achieve ''an era of independence and coexistence.''
Restoring the Weakened Sphere of Public Service
In our present times, fraternity can be described as a principle that aims to adjust to the excesses of the current globalized brand of capitalism and make adjustments to accommodate the local economic practices that have been fostered through our traditions. In other words, it is a means of building an economic society based on coexistence by switching away from the policies of market fundamentalism and towards policies that protect the livelihoods and safety of the people.
It goes without saying that the recent worldwide economic crisis was brought about by the collapse of market fundamentalism and financial capitalism that the United States has advocated since the end of the Cold War. This U.S.-led market fundamentalism and financial capitalism went by many names including the ''global economy,'' ''globalization'' and ''globalism.'' This way of thinking was based on the principle that American-style free-market economics represents a universal and ideal economic order and that all countries should modify the traditions and regulations governing their own economy in order to reform the structure of their economic society in line with global standards (or rather American standards). In Japan, opinion was divided on how far the trend towards globalization should be taken on board. Some people advocated the active embrace of globalism and supported leaving everything up to the dictates of the market. Others favored a more reticent approach, believing that effort should be made instead to expand the social safety net and protect our traditional economic activities. Since the administration of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, the LDP has stressed the former while we in the DPJ have tended towards the latter position.
The economic order or local economic activities in any country are built up over long years and reflect the influence of each country's traditions, habits and national lifestyles. Therefore, the economic activities of individual countries are very diverse due to many factors including the differences of history, tradition, habits, economic scale and stage of development. However, globalism progressed without any regard for various non-economic values, nor of environmental issues or problems of resource restriction. The economic activities of citizens in small countries were severely damaged, and in some countries globalism has even destroyed traditional industries. Capital and means of production can now be transferred easily across international borders. However, people cannot move so easily. In terms of market theory, people are simply personnel expenses, but in the real world people support the fabric of the local community and are the physical embodiment of its lifestyle, traditions and culture. An individual gains respect as a person by acquiring a job and a role within the local community and being able to maintain their family's livelihood.
If we look back on the changes in Japanese society that have occurred since the end of the Cold War, I believe it is no exaggeration to say that the global economy has damaged traditional economic activities and market fundamentalism has destroyed local communities. For example, the decision to privatize Japan's post office placed far too little weight on the institution's long history and the traditional role that its staff held in the local community. It also ignored the non-economic benefits of the Post Office and its value in the community. The logic of the market was used to justify taking such a drastic step.
Under the principle of fraternity, we will not implement policies that leave economic activities in areas relating to human lives and safety, such as agriculture, the environment and medicine, at the mercy of the tides of globalism. Rather, we need to strengthen rules governing the safety of human lives and stability of people's livelihoods. Our responsibility as politicians is to refocus our attention on those non-economic values that have been thrown aside by the march of globalism. We must work on policies that regenerate the ties that bring people together, that take greater account of nature and the environment, that rebuild welfare and medical systems, that provide better education and child rearing support and that address wealth disparities. This is required in order to create an environment in which each individual citizen is able to pursue happiness.
Over recent years, Japan's traditional public services have been eroded. The ties that bring people together have become weaker and the spirit of public service has also dimmed. In today's economic society, economic activities can be divided into four sectors: governmental, corporate, nonprofit and household. While the first, second and fourth categories are self-explanatory, by the third category I mean the types of mutual assistance which were once provided by neighborhood associations and which are now also provided through the activities of NPOs. As economic society becomes more advanced and complicated, the scope of services that cannot be provided by the authorities, corporations and family members grows increasingly wide. That is why the more industrialized a country becomes the greater the social role played by NPOs and other nonprofit organizations. This is the foundation of ''coexistence.'' These activities are not recorded in the gross domestic product, but when working to build a society that has truly high standards of living, the scope and depth of such public services, as provided through nonprofit activities, citizens' groups and other social activities, are of great importance. Politics based on ''fraternity'' would restore strength to Japan's depleted nonprofit (public service) sector. It would expand the nonprofit sector into new areas and provide assistance for the people who support these activities. In this way, we aim to build a society of coexistence in which people can rediscover the ties that bring them together, help each other, and find meaning and fulfillment in performing a useful social role.
It is of course true that Japan is currently facing a fiscal crisis. However, ''fraternal politics'' aims cautiously yet steadily for the path that will achieve both the restructuring of government finances and the rebuilding of our welfare systems. We reject the Ministry of Finance-led theory of fiscal reconstruction that relies on the imposition of uniform restrictions on, or the abolishment of, social welfare payments and which seeks to take shortcuts by raising consumption tax. Japan's current fiscal crisis is the result of long years of mismanagement by the Liberal Democratic Party. More specifically, it is a reflection of the crisis affecting Japan's economic society which stems from the bureaucrat-led system of centralized government and the indiscriminate spending facilitated by that system, from the social safety net collapse and greater inequality of wealth that results from an uncritical faith in globalism and finally, from the public loss of faith in politics following unhealthy collusion between government, civil service and industry. Therefore, I believe that it will be impossible to overcome Japan's fiscal crisis without devolving power to local authorities, implementing thorough administrative reform and restoring public trust in the sustainability of social security systems, particularly pensions. In other words, resolving our fiscal problems is impossible without comprehensively rebuilding Japan's political systems.
Empowering Local Authorities within the Nation State
When I made a speech announcing my candidacy for president of the DPJ, I stated, ''My first political priority'' is ''reform to move away from a nation state based on centralized power structures and create a nation based on devolved regional power.'' A similar view was incorporated into the inaugural declaration when we formed the former DPJ 13 years ago. Back then, our aim was to achieve a nation based on regional devolution and empowered local authorities. We intended to achieve this by limiting the role of the national executive and legislature and promoting efficient local administrations vested with significant authority. Furthermore, based on this new system of government, we aimed to establish wide-ranging welfare systems based on citizen participation and mutual assistance in the local community while also establishing fiscal, medical and pension systems which do not force debts onto future generations.
Count Coudenhove-Kalergi's ''The Fraternal Revolution'' (Chapter XII of The Totalitarian State against Man) contains the following passage: The political requirement of brotherhood is federalism, the natural and organic construction of the state out of its individuals. The path from men to the universe leads through concentric circles: men build families, families communes, communes cantons, cantons states, states continents, continents the planets, the planets the solar system, solar system the universe. In today's language, what Count Coudenhove-Kalergi described is the principle of ''subsidiarity,'' a modern political approach that has its roots in fraternity.
The truth is that in today's age we cannot avoid economic globalization. However, in the European Union, where economic integration is strong, there is also a noticeable trend of localization. Examples of this included the federalization of Belgium and the separation and independence of the Czech Republic and Slovakia. Within a globalized economic environment, how can we preserve the autonomy of countries and regions, which serve as foundations of tradition and culture? This is an issue of importance not only for the European Union but also for Japan as well.
In response to the conflicting demands of globalism and localization, the European Union has advocated the principle of subsidiarity in the Maastricht Treaty and The European Charter of Local Self-Government. The principle of subsidiarity is not simply a rule that declares that local authorities should always be prioritized, rather it is a principle that can also be invoked to define the relationship between nation states and supranational institutions. We can interpret the principle of subsidiarity from this perspective as follows: Matters that can be dealt with by the individual should be resolved by the individual. Matters that cannot be resolved by the individual should be resolved with the help of the family. Matters that cannot be resolved by the family should be resolved with the help of the local community and NGOs. It is only when matters cannot be resolved at this level that the authorities should become involved. Then of course, matters that can be dealt with by the local government should be resolved by the local government. Matters that cannot be resolved by the local government should be resolved by the next intermediate level of government. Matters that the next level of government cannot handle, for example diplomacy, defense and decisions on macroeconomic policy, should be dealt with by the central government. Finally, even some elements of national sovereignty, such as the issue of currency, should be transferred to supranational institutions like the EU.
The principle of subsidiarity is therefore a policy for devolution which places emphasis on the lowest level of local government. As we search for ways to modernize the concept of fraternity, we find ourselves naturally arriving at the idea of a nation based on regional devolution built upon the principle of subsidiarity. When discussing reform of Japan's local authority system, including the possibility of introducing a system of around 10 or so regional blocs to replace Japan's 47 prefectures, we must not forget to ask the following questions: What is the appropriate size for local authorities (which are embodiments of tradition and culture)? What is the appropriate size of local authorities in terms of their functional efficacy for local residents? During a speech I made at the time of the DPJ presidential election, I made the following comments: ''I propose limiting the role of central government to diplomacy, defense, fiscal policy, financial policy, resource, energy and environmental policy. I propose transferring to the lowest level of local government the authority, taxation rights and personnel required to provide services closely related to people's livelihoods. I propose creating a framework that will allow local authorities to bear responsibility for making decisions and have the means to implement them. I propose abolishing the current system of central government subsidies (which can only be used for a particular stated purpose) and instead providing a single payment which the local authorities can use at their own discretion. In other words, I will break down the de facto master-servant relationship which exists between the central government and local authorities and replace it with an equal relationship based on shared responsibilities. This reform will improve the overall efficiency of the whole country and facilitate finely-tuned administrative services that take into account local needs and the perspectives of local citizens.'' The only way for regions to achieve autonomy, self responsibility and the competence to make their own decisions is to transfer a wide range of resources and significant power to the local authorities which are in closest contact with citizens, an approach which also clarifies the relationship between citizens' burdens and the services they receive. This approach will facilitate the invigoration of local economic activities. It is also a path towards the construction a more distinctive, appealing and beautiful Japan. The establishment of a nation based on empowered local authorities represents the embodiment of a modern politics of fraternity and is highly appropriate as a political goal for our times.
Overcoming Nationalism through an East Asian Community
Another national goal that emerges from the concept of fraternity is the creation of an East Asian community. Of course, the Japan-U.S. Security Pact will continue to be the cornerstone of Japanese diplomatic policy. Unquestionably, the Japan-U.S. relationship is an important pillar of our diplomacy. However, at the same time, we must not forget our identity as a nation located in Asia. I believe that the East Asian region, which is showing increasing vitality in its economic growth and even closer mutual ties, must be recognized as Japan's basic sphere of being. Therefore we must continue to make efforts to build frameworks for stable economic cooperation and national security across the region.
The recent financial crisis has suggested to many people that the era of American unilateralism may come to an end. It has also made people harbor doubts about the permanence of the dollar as the key global currency. I also feel that as a result of the failure of the Iraq war and the financial crisis, the era of the U.S.-led globalism is coming to an end and that we are moving away from a unipolar world led by the U.S. towards an era of multipolarity. However, at present, there is no one country ready to replace the United States as the world's most dominant country. Neither is there a currency ready to replace the dollar as the world's key currency. Therefore, even if we shift from unipolar to multipolar world, our idea of what to expect is at best vague, and we feel anxiety because the new forms to be taken by global politics and economics remain unclear. I think this describes the essence of the crisis we are now facing.
Although the influence of the U.S. is declining, the U.S. will remain the world's leading military and economic power for the next two to three decades. Current developments show clearly that China, which has by far the world's largest population, will become one of the world's leading economic nations, while also continuing to expand its military power. The size of China's economy will surpass that of Japan in the not too distant future. How should Japan maintain its political and economic independence and protect its national interest when caught between the United States, which is fighting to retain its position as the world's dominant power, and China which is seeking ways to become one? The future international environment surrounding Japan does not seem to be easy. This is a question of concern not only to Japan but also to the small and medium-sized nations in Asia. They want the military power of the U.S. to function effectively for the stability of the region but want to restrain U.S. political and economic excesses. They also want to reduce the militarily threat posed by our neighbor China while ensuring that China's expanding economy develops in an orderly fashion. I believe these are the instinctive demands of the various nations in the region. This is also a major factor accelerating regional integration.
Today, as the supranational political and economic philosophies of Marxism and globalism have, for better or for worse stagnated, nationalism is once again starting to have a major influence on policy-making decisions in various countries. As symbolized by the anti-Japanese riots that occurred in China a few years ago, the spread of the Internet has accelerated the integration of nationalism and populism and the emergence of uncontrollable political turbulence is a very real risk. As we maintain an awareness of this environment and seek to build new structures for international cooperation, we must overcome excessive nationalism in each nation and go down the path towards the rule-building for economic cooperation and national security. Unlike Europe, the countries of this region differ in their population size, development stage and political systems, and therefore economic integration cannot be achieved over the short term. However, I believe that we should aspire to the move towards regional currency integration as a natural extension of the path of the rapid economic growth begun by Japan, followed by South Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong, and then achieved by the ASEAN nations and China. We must therefore spare no effort to build the permanent security frameworks essential to underpinning currency integration.
ASEAN, Japan, China (including Hong Kong), South Korea and Taiwan now account for one-quarter of the world's gross domestic product. The economic power of the East Asian region and the mutually independent relationships within the region have grown wider and deeper, which is unprecedented. As such, the underlying structures required for the formation of a regional economic bloc are already in place. On the other hand, due to the historical and cultural conflicts existing between the countries of this region, in addition to their conflicting national security interests, we must recognize that there are numerous difficult political issues. The problems of increased militarization and territorial disputes, which stand in the way of regional integration, cannot be resolved by bilateral negotiations between, for example, Japan and South Korea or Japan and China. The more these problems are discussed bilaterally, the greater the risk that citizens' emotions in each country will become inflamed and nationalism will be intensified. Therefore, somewhat paradoxically, I would suggest that the issues which stand in the way of regional integration can only really be resolved through the process of moving towards greater regional integration. For example, the experience of the EU shows us how regional integration can defuse territorial disputes.
When writing a draft proposal for a new Japanese constitution in 2005, I put, in the preamble, the following words on the subject of Japan's national goals for the next half century: We, recognizing the importance of human dignity, seek to enjoy, together with the peoples of the world, the benefits of peace, freedom and democracy, and commit ourselves to work continually and unceasingly towards the goal of establishing a system of permanent and universal economic and social cooperation and a system of collective national security in the international community, particularly in the Asia-Pacific region. I believe that not only is this the path we should follow towards realizing the principles of pacifism and multilateral cooperation advocated by the Japanese Constitution, I also believe this is the appropriate path for protecting Japan's political and economic independence and pursuing our national interest from our position between two of the world's great powers, the United States and China. Moreover, this path would represent a contemporary embodiment of the ''fraternal revolution'' advocated by Count Coudenhove-Kalergi.
Based on this awareness of our intended direction, it becomes clear that, for example, our response to the recent global financial crisis should not be simply to provide the kind of limited support measures previously employed by the IMF and the World Bank. Rather, we should be working towards a possible idea of the future common Asian currency. Establishing a common Asian currency will likely take more than 10 years. For such a single currency to bring about political integration will surely take longer still. Due to the seriousness of the ongoing global economic crisis, some people may wonder why I am taking the time to discuss this seemingly extraneous topic. However, I believe that the more chaotic, unclear and uncertain the problems we face, the higher and greater are the goals to which politicians should lead the people.
We are currently standing at a turning point in global history, and therefore our resolve and vision are being tested, not only in terms of our ability to formulate policies to stimulate the domestic economy, but also in terms of how we try to build a new global political and economic order. I would like to conclude by quoting the words of Count Coudenhove-Kalergi, the father of the EU, written 85 years ago, when he published Pan-Europa.
''All great historical ideas started as a utopian dream and ended with reality.''
''Whether a particular idea remains as a utopian dream or it can become reality depends on the number of people who believe in the ideal and their ability to act upon it.''
Last edited by Shadow Kira01; 2009-09-04 at 11:18.
Reason: added stance (which is none).
Only 3 percent attributed the DPJ's victory to expectations of Hatoyama. Ten percent said they liked the DPJ's manifesto.
The largest portion, 46 percent, cited discontent with Prime Minister Taro Aso and the Liberal Democratic Party.
The DPJ's crushing victory was largely because voters were upset with the LDP under Aso's leadership.
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Asked about reasons for the LDP's unprecedented loss, 32 percent cited "discontent with its policy and achievements," 27 percent cited "deterioration of its capability to manage the administration," and 19 percent said they felt "a sense of resignation with the LDP."
However, asked whether the LDP will one day make a comeback, 66 percent said yes.
This indicates that the people have not totally abandoned the LDP.
Seventy-seven percent of respondents said the LDP needs to cooperate with the new administration on specific policies if doing so is good for the public.
With this in mind, it could be possible for the LDP to significantly regain the public's trust by acting as an opposition party that seriously considers policies with priority on the public benefit.
"The DPJ is taking the reins of government without having convinced the public on its manifesto," Gakushuin University Prof. Hiroshi Hirano, an expert on the political process, said. "Unless the Hatoyama cabinet makes the public understand the contents of the manifesto and makes visible achievements, public expectations could quickly wane."
It is often said that the Japanese, like a school of medaka fish, have a tendency to move en masse in the same direction.
Okada has been tapped as new foreign minister, just as I had expected. Depending on his plans and strategies, there is no doubt that some controversies will be brewing very soon. On the contrary, this is actually a good thing as that it is interesting to see what sort of changes will occur. Okada intends to improve bilateral relations with China and South Korea while provoking the Americans with the no yes-man attitude.
Hatoyama's decision to appoint Okada as foreign minister apparently was based on the DPJ leader's trust in Okada's expertise in foreign policy, environmental problems and other key issues.
Okada's contacts with many key figures in the United States and Asian nations, including China and South Korea, also add to his credentials.
Hatoyama's decision also is being seen as an attempt to unite all party members--including lawmakers who supported Okada during the party's leadership election in May--by assigning a key cabinet post to the outgoing party secretary general.
Some DPJ members, including those who keep their distance from Ozawa, have strongly demanded that Okada continue to serve as secretary general to cope with Ozawa's growing influence within the party.
If Okada assumes the new post, he frequently will be required to travel abroad and likely could be alienated from the business of administration management. A middle-ranking DPJ official said Hatoyama decided to remove Okada from the post by installing him as foreign minister.
Okada also reportedly was considered as finance minister, but this plan was shelved as it was thought he might place more importance on financial reconstruction rather than economic stimulus measures through increasing public spending, observers said. Okada has previously expressed a positive stance on a consumption tax raise.
Hatoyama and his aides also were concerned that Okada could move ahead with financial reconstruction, making it difficult for the party to implement the policies detailed in its manifesto for the House of Representatives election.
As foreign policy chief, Okada likely will be tested early, with the Japan-U.S. summit meeting in late September and visits to Japan by U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates and U.S. President Barack Obama in October and November, respectively.
The DPJ likely will not allow the Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling activities in the Indian Ocean to continue after January.
In addition, the party's manifesto refers to a review of the reorganization of Japan-based U.S. military bases, which inevitably will give rise to friction with the United States.
Concerning the bringing of nuclear weapons into Japan, Okada said he would clarify the existence of an alleged secret accord between Japan and the United States--a move that could engender conflict with diplomatic officials.
As a politician who acts according to his principles, Okada has a reputation as a diehard believer in his own policies. As such, his behavior will draw much public attraction.
In May, Okada urged the United States to avoid striking first with nuclear weapons in any future conflict, adding that Japan would be not fully protected by the United States' nuclear umbrella.
Okada has proposed a "Northeast Asia nonnuclear zone treaty" plan toward the elimination of nuclear weapons. His remarks on nuclear weapons, which were based on this plan, reportedly caused uneasiness among U.S. government officials.
This mood reportedly was exacerbated by a recent New York Times op-ed piece written by Hatoyama.
Observers point out the pressing need for the DPJ to establish a relationship of trust with the Untied States.
Last edited by Shadow Kira01; 2009-09-06 at 14:24.
Reason: updated.
Hope this elections will be a good thing and change the Japan .
I should tell you the truth. I decided to vote for the Socialists, but only for a reason: The LDP and DPJ are essentially the same, just a game of political maneuverings. There is no concrete change.
The DPJ is essentially are the young Turks of the LDP. And you thought they were different. Japan will still be the object of scorn among all nations that doesn't have the word "United" in their name. (US, UK, UAE).
If you want to see concrete change, then you should see the Murayama years. Those were when Japan was on good terms with everybody, and we weren't so deep into s**t yet. UNTIL the Kobe-Awaji Earthquake struck at the end of his term.
DPJ Secretary General Katsuya Okada talked with Fukushima after appearing on a TV program Sunday evening. In their discussion, Fukushima made various demands regarding diplomatic and national security policies. But Okada responded with a harsh tone, "It's nonsense to speak only about principles without presenting counterproposals," and then left the table.
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In the DPJ, a sizable number of members felt the smaller parties have too much influence over their party.
The DPJ is forming a coalition with the two parties to secure a majority in the House of Councillors, where the party does not have a majority on its own, to ensure the administration runs smoothly. But a midranking DPJ member said that if the party were to gain a majority in next year's upper house election, it would sever ties with the SDP.
Such sentiments stem from the SDP's refusal to compromise on some key foreign and national security issues.
Now, I think Katsuya Okada was a good choice by the presumptive prime minister Yukio Hatoyama on being the foreign minister. Obviously, it appears that the socialists are planning to end bilateral relations with the United States for no good reasons at all. Not being the yes-man for the United States is not the same thing as ending bilateral relations in a negative light. Speaking of which, once the DPJ wins a majority in the House of Councillors next year, the coalition will most likely come to a conclusion as that the gap on foreign policy and national security is too wide.
[url=http://www.yomiuri.co.jp/dy/national/20090911TDY03102.htm]
Now, I think Katsuya Okada was a good choice by the presumptive prime minister Yukio Hatoyama on being the foreign minister.
That of course.
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Obviously, it appears that the socialists are planning to end bilateral relations with the United States for no good reasons at all.
Read further, and you'll see this.
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SDP stuck to its stance of reducing the burden of Okinawa Prefecture.
During a two-hour meeting Tuesday evening with Okada and Kamei, the SDP's Shigeno strongly demanded the coalition accord should stipulate that the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station be relocated overseas and that a revision of the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement be proposed.
I actually agree with this stance, as long as it doesn't spread further to all policy areas and all agreements.
Because, Okinawa has been burdened with US bases for far too long, which serve everything from South Korea to Taiwan to Guam but aren't doing real protection for Japan. The US forces that ARE actually doing such protection are mainly based on Honshu. Not Okinawa.
And I'm sure some people would remember the rape case, or the pub brawl case. This is because the Okinawa bases are nearer to the prefectural capital, than the Tokyo ones are to the Tokyo core 23.
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Not being the yes-man for the United States is not the same thing as ending bilateral relations in a negative light.
As I mentioned, it's not all policy/relations, just the SOFA.
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Speaking of which, once the DPJ wins a majority in the House of Councillors next year, the coalition will most likely come to a conclusion as that the gap on foreign policy and national security is too wide.
The days when everything worked like a dream and everyone’s standard of living kept rising are over, and have been for a long time. Now that there is no longer enough money, the Japanese public has to make some hard choices.
Deep down, we all know this. That’s why the gloomy expressions on the faces of Japanese on the street haven’t changed. But this does not mean we are on the verge of decline or decay. We’re merely experiencing the melancholy that any child goes through as adulthood approaches.
To be really honest, after the bubble burst on Japan, we already have been like this. At the start of the Heisei era, it was already like this. After 20 years, it's still the same.
The decline in births isn't due to work only. It's more due to Japanese emigrating to the West. The current flight of Japanese are the wise educated that know nothing's gonna change in Japan, so they leave for usually (no kidding!) Singapore, where they are welcomed as esteemed friends (irony, Singapore was tortured by Japan 60 years ago).
About the only times there were change during the Heisei period was Murayama (Social Democrat, promoted better ties with Asia and first PM to publicly admit Japan's guilt) and Koizumi.
2009-08-31, 14:36
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